Pinned toot

On Afroindigeneity and acknowledging the Indigeneity of Black peoples, the descendants of enslaved Indigenous Africans and their relationships to these lands.
[Public post]
patreon.com/posts/29281619

Pinned toot


My name is Keyla, a storyteller, artist, & weaver of the sibano community of the Taíno nation, on the island of Bürekün, aka Puerto Rico.
I have Vodou practicing Haitian family & Cuban Santeros, which I talk about often especially regarding AfroIndigeneity & Black lands.
You can read about my work on my patreon, but I’m mostly here to continue my rambles, share my art, & meet ppl.
[Image: fair skinned nonBlack person w/brown hair & a grey shirt, standing by a window, smiling.]

Dinah Veeris is a healer and creator of Den Paradera, the largest herb garden in Curaçao. She worked for years recording elders and their medicinal knowledge, to preserved African traditional medicine which pushed her to open up Den Paradera where her collective knowledge is now exhibited and taught.


Source: dinahveeris.com/en/den_parader

“...[T]he history of capital is the history of [B]lack subjection. And the history of [B]lack subjection has its origin within [Black chattel] slavery … the structural position of the slave paved the way for the genesis of the white bourgeois subject [i.e. civil society and its economics: capitalism]. To be white [Human] was to not be a slave [Black]. [Slavery] was to define and guarantee white livelihood [capitalist society].”

-R. L. ‘Wanderings of the Slave: Black life and Social Death’. 2013

... We’re trying to destroy the world. Two irreconcilable projects.”

- An Interview with Frank B. Wilderson, III. ‘“We’re trying to destroy the world”, Anti-Blackness & Police Violence After Ferguson.’ 10/2014.

... What freaks them out about an analysis of anti-Blackness is that this applies to the category of the Human, which means that they have to be destroyed regardless of their performance, or of their morality, and that they occupy a place of power that is completely unethical, regardless of what they do. And they’re not going to do that. Because what are they trying to do? They’re trying to build a better world. What are we trying to do? ...

... Yet, they wouldn’t hold any other paradigm of oppression to that high of a bar. They wouldn’t say that the white French people living in Algeria have to be destroyed because they are unethical in their actions. They would say that they have to be destroyed because they are present, because they are here. They wouldn’t say, ‘Well you know, there’s some good capitalists and some bad capitalists.’ They would say, ‘the capitalist as a category has to be destroyed’. ...

... But there’s a good reason why they come to this: because they can’t stand before you and say, ‘I am, in my being, unethical’. They would rather say, ‘No! Afropessimism, and those moments that cannot be resolved in Fanon, for example, all suggest that I am as much the antagonist as much as the cop or the capitalist, that I am unethical in my being. And I refuse to accept that! You, Black person, must demonstrate to me that I am unethical in my actions.’ ...

... since the structure of their desire is formulated on a conception of community that is a priori anti-Black. So that they’re not actually thinking in terms of the ways in which we suffer. And in fact, their political projects will liberate one terrain, and intensify our suffering more by being parasitic on our inability to speak and on the Black energy that we lend to their questions and which crowd out an analysis. ...

...One would be the post-colonial vector: ‘my theoretical apparatus is that colonization has done x, y and z’; or else, ‘capitalism at the site of the wage relation exploits everyone universally’; or, ‘ecologically, we will have no world if x, y or z happens’; or, ‘we are all suffering under patriarchy’. But then if you ask them, ‘how did Black people become part of the We?’, a breakdown occurs here, ...

... And this is very difficult for American activists, because American activists don’t read, they just go out and say, ‘do we break Starbucks windows, or do we not break Starbucks windows?’, that’s the extent and level of their intellectual politics. So, here I’m shifting the weight from me to the other person, to actually explain to me their theoretical apparatus. Not just explain to me what this action in this moment is going to do. And normally, when it comes down four different vectors. ...

... That’s what politics and struggle is all about, i.e. developing a theory of struggle that can be generalized. Now, it takes some work, and the work at an intellectual level is hard, but it’s probably more difficult at an emotional level, and you might just break down, …but one of the things I would say to respond to this person is: ‘how is the paradigm of colonialism, or the paradigm of Marxism more essential than the paradigm of anti-Blackness and social death?’ ...

“One of the things that they’re gonna say to you — even if it’s not in these words, it remains the framework through which they try to discipline Black people, e.g. Sartre said it to the Negritude movement and to Fanon — is: ‘you know, this whole thing about Blackness, is really narrow, and it’s not allowing you to see the bigger picture. And so we begin to feel bad, because we don’t want to be narrow or people who don’t see the bigger picture. ...

“[Vodou is] a body of knowledge. It’s not just a religion or form of spiritual practice…it’s an ethical and moral way of being in the world. Vodou is a discipline that teaches you how to respect the environment, community, and nation.”

- Mambo Dowoti Desir

... Antebellum [B]lack herbalism thus became not only a pragmatic resource for survival but also one of the sacred arts of slave doctoring in North America.” (2/2)

- Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), p. 76

“A spiritual orientation toward the local landscape defined the herbal practice of enslaved communities. The herbalism of southern [Black peoples], it can be argued, expressed a sacred worldview as clearly as singing, praying, or dancing. As they gathered, administered, and taught about botanical medicines, enslaved African Americans enacted a relationship with the land that was both practical and spiritual. ...

(1/2)

... I retain a profound commitment to working towards a Justice that does not yet exist. I have no idea yet what it will look like, but I know it will look nothing like this.” (2/2)

- Goldberg, Jesse. State University of New York, ‘Do not act surprised by the verdict in the Zimmerman trial’, 7/14/13.

“My pessimism is an acknowledgement that anti-[B]lackness is not a symptom of American capitalism, but one of its fundamental principles, and one of the foundations on which this country stands. I believe we have to acknowledge the enormity of these things (especially white folks, since it is our interests which are most clearly served by not acknowledging these things), but my pessimism is not a resignation to a belief that things will always be this way. ...(1/2)

Slavery, role of white women, assault mention, ‘ownership’ language 

Photo shows the Shouters Prohibition Ordinance, 1917, No. 27.-1917. Source: Trinidad and Tobago Ministry of Legal Affairds, Digital Legislative Library (bit.ly/2yccdwf)

References: “The Spiritual Baptist Faith” by Patricia Stephens (1999); “The Saga of the Companies: A History of the Merikin Settlers in Trinidad” by A. B. Huggins, (2015); Shouters’ Prohibition Ordinance Trinidad No. 27

It restricted Spiritual Baptists from participation in any forms of worship, whether indoors or ‘open air.’ There were also restrictions on the building of new places of worship where the “owner or manager of any estate or land…notify the non-commissioned officer of the Constabulary station nearest to such house.” These, among many other things, were considered, “acts of indecency” and were punishable by fines of up to £50.

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